ေဒါက္တာေဇာ္ျမင့္ေမာင္ မႏၲေလးတိုင္း အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕ ဦးေဆာင္သူ ျဖစ္မွာလား

တိုင္းေဒသႀကီးလႊတ္ေတာ္အစည္းအေ၀းသို႔ တက္ေရာက္လာေသာ ေဒါက္တာေဇာ္ျမင့္ေမာင္ကို ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီက ေတြ႕ရစဥ္။စည္သူလြင္ / ျမန္မာတိုင္း(မ္)

တိုင္းေဒသႀကီးလႊတ္ေတာ္အစည္းအေ၀းသို႔ တက္ေရာက္လာေသာ ေဒါက္တာေဇာ္ျမင့္ေမာင္ကို ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီက ေတြ႕ရစဥ္။စည္သူလြင္ / ျမန္မာတိုင္း(မ္)

၂၀၁၅ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲႀကီးမွာ အင္န္အယ္လ္ဒီ ပါတီက ေသာင္ၿပိဳကမ္းၿပိဳ အႏုိင္ရရွိၿပီးတဲ့ ေနာက္ တုိင္းေဒသႀကီး၊ ျပည္နယ္၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေနရာ တို႔အတြက္ ခန္႔မွန္းစာရင္း ထြက္ ရွိလာခဲ့ပါတယ္။

မႏၲေလးတိုင္းေဒသႀကီး ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ေနရာအတြက္ ပါတီအမာခံတစ္ဦးျဖစ္တဲ့ ေဒါက္တာေဇာ္ျမင့္ေမာင္ကို ထင္ေၾကးေပးမႈေတြ ရွိေနသလို ခန္႔မွန္း သလို ျဖစ္လာခဲ့ရင္ သူဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ အစိုးရ အဖြဲ႕ရဲ႕ စြမ္းေဆာင္မႈနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး လူထုရဲ႕ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ခ်က္ေတြလည္းရွိေနပါ တယ္။ ေဒါက္တာေဇာ္ျမင့္ေမာင္ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ျဖစ္လာခဲ့ရင္ သူဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕ကို လူထုနဲ႔ နီးစပ္တဲ့ အစိုးအရအဖြဲ႕အျဖစ္ျမင္ေတြ႕ ဖို႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ေၾကာင္း အရပ္ဘက္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြက ဆုိပါတယ္။ ၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႕စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒ ေရးဆြဲ ၿပီးတဲ့ေနာက္ ၂၀၁၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမွာ စစ္တပ္ေနာက္ခံ အစိုးရအဖြဲ႕နဲ႔ေဒသဆိုင္ ရာ လႊတ္ေတာ္ေပၚလာၿပီး အရပ္ဘက္ အဖြဲ႕ အစည္းမ်ားနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္းမႈမရွိခဲ့ဘူးလိုု႔ အရပ္ ဘက္အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြက ေျပာပါတယ္။

“ကြ်န္ေတာ့္အေနနဲ႔ ဘယ္သူဘယ္၀ါ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ဆုိတာထက္ အသြင္သဏၭာန္ ေျပာင္းလဲပစ္ႏုိင္မယ့္၊ လူေတြနဲ႔ နီးစပ္မယ့္၊ အရပ္ဘက္ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြနဲ႔ ပူးေပါင္း ေဆာင္ရြက္ႏုိင္မယ့္ ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ကို ျမင္လုိပါ တယ္။ ေဒါက္တာေဇာ္ျမင့္ေမာင္ အေၾကာင္း ေျပာရရင္ သူ႔ကို မႏၲေလးတုိင္း တရားခြင္မွာ လုပ္တာကိုင္တာ ျမင္ဖူးသလို ေနျပည္ေတာ္ သြားေရာက္စဥ္ကလည္း သူလုပ္တာကိုင္တာေတြ႕ဖူးပါတယ္။ တကယ္ အလုပ္ လုပ္မယ့္သူအေနနဲ႔ ျမင္ပါတယ္” ဟု မႏၲေလးၿမိဳ႕ကျပည္သူလူထုနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တဲ့ အေရးကိစၥေတြမွာ တက္ႂကြလႈပ္ရွားသူတစ္ဦးျဖစ္တဲ့ဦးညီညီေက်ာ္က ျမန္မာတိုင္း(မ္)ကုိ ေျပာပါတယ္။

ေဒါက္တာ ေဇာ္ျမင့္ေမာင္ကို အျခားေသာ အန္အယ္လ္ ဒီပါတီက ထိပ္ပိုင္းပါတီ၀င္ေတြ၊ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္၊ ကာကြယ္ေရးဦးစီးခ်ဳပ္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး မင္းေအာင္လိႈင္တို႔နဲ႔အတူေတြ႕ဆုံပြဲေတြမွာ ျမင္လာရတာဟာ တိုင္းေဒသႀကီး ၀န္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ျဖစ္ဖို႔ ေသခ်ာသေလာက္ျဖစ္တယ္လို႔ မွန္းဆသူေတြ လည္း ရွိေနပါတယ္။ ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္းနဲ႔လိုက္ေလ်ာညီေထြမႈရွိတယ္လို႔နာမည္ႀကီး တဲ့ ေဒါက္တာေဇာ္ျမင့္ ေမာင္ က ၁၉၈၈ ကတည္းက ႏိုင္ငံေရးေလာကထဲသုိ႔ ၀င္ေရာက္လာခဲ့ၿပီး ၈၈ မွာ မႏၲေလးေဆးတကၠသိုလ္ ေက်ာင္းသား သပိတ္အတြင္းေရးမႉး၊ အထက္ျမန္မာျပည္ ဆရာ၀န္မ်ား သပိတ္ေကာ္မတီမွာ တြဲဖက္ အတြင္းေရးမႉးအျဖစ္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ပါ တယ္။ ၁၉၉၀ အမရပူရၿမိဳ႕နယ္ မဲဆႏၵနယ္အမွတ္ ၁ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း အျဖစ္ အင္န္အယ္လ္ဒီက ၀င္ေရာက္ယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ ခဲ့ရာမွာ အႏုိင္ရရွိခဲ့ၿပီး အဲဒီႏွစ္မွာပဲ ပုဒ္မ ၁၂၂ (၁)အရ ေထာင္ဒဏ္ ၂၅ ႏွစ္ ခ်မွတ္ ခံခဲ့ရတယ္။ ၂၀၀၉ ခုႏွစ္မွာ လြတ္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းသာခြင့္ ရရွိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ (more…)

At Letpadaung, residents still place hopes in NLD

Expectations are high among the villagers near the controversial Letpadaung copper mine that the incoming National League for Democracy government will take their side in what could be a resumption of hostilities with the operator – and possibly police.

Anti-mine protesters hold a multilingual protest sign during a recent demonstration. Photo: Supplied

Anti-mine protesters hold a multilingual protest sign during a recent demonstration. Photo: Supplied

The residents of the villages around the mine project in Salingyi township, Sagaing Region, believe they have particular reason to expect the support of the next government.

In 2012, NLD leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was appointed chair of a commission of inquiry set up to investigate a particularly violent clash in which police used white phosphorous on protesters, leaving scores injured, including Buddhist monks. Controversially, the commission recommended the project continue – on the proviso that a number of recommendations were implemented. The villagers say they now want the NLD to ensure the mining company follows the commission’s orders.

Local anger over the alleged land grabs and environmental degradation associated with the Letpadaung mine has repeatedly flared up. In December 2014, one local resident was shot dead by police during a protest. On February 8, police charged 65 residents with staging an illegal demonstration in connection with an attempt by the Chinese company Wanbao to fence off part of the project zone to build a factory and warehouses. The company has said it hopes to complete the work by May 4 before resuming copper production.

“All we wanted was permission to cultivate the land. Now we have no work,” said Daw Amar Cho, a resident of Tone village, who faces charges for leading the protest. She said she had not yet received any official notification of the police complaint.

Wanbao has offered three compensation payments to local residents. The first, of K520,000, was made in 2011-12 in respect of three years of crops. Further payments were then made of K1 million and K1.8 million.

Daw Amar Cho said she had accepted the first payment. “We all took it. But the second time, they said that in exchange for the money we would have to give up ownership of the land. I didn’t take that payment.”

Activist U Sai Kyaw Aye said that the total land area of the mine project was 7878 acres, and no compensation had been offered in respect of 3000 acres. “The villagers took the first payment out of fear. The villagers don’t want to sell their land. Wanbao is proceeding against the will of the people,” he said.

A local monk, U Zin Arrlawka, who also faces charges, told The Myanmar Times, “About 200 or 300 people have been charged in total so far.”

Anti-mine protesters pull back police barricades (left), while officers form a protective circle during recent unrest. Photo: Supplied

Anti-mine protesters pull back police barricades (left), while officers form a protective circle during recent unrest. Photo: Supplied

U Soe Hein, a member of Sein Yaung So Activities, a Mandalay-based environmental group, said he had contributed to research by the Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability, which said Wanbao had implemented only 20 percent of the recommendations of the investigation committee, and much of its activity was just for show. The current government insists that the overwhelming majority have been implemented. (more…)

Top secret no longer: Currency designer reveals hidden art

Everything had to be done in the utmost secrecy. But when their work was complete, it was circulated to every man, woman and child in the country.

Myanmar currency was previously purchased from countries overseas until U Aye Myint began creating designs in a secret program in 1972. Photos: Khin Su Wai / The Myanmar TimesMyanmar currency was previously purchased from countries overseas until U Aye Myint began creating designs in a secret program in 1972. Photos: Khin Su Wai / The Myanmar Times

The artists who designed the nation’s currency painted the treasure of the entire nation. But until recently, hardly anybody knew who they were.

U Aye Myint, now 86, was the man who put Bogyoke Aung San in the nation’s pockets and purses. With his team, he designed the K25 and K1 notes released in 1972 and the K5 and K10 notes that came out the following year.

U Aye Myint, trained in the traditional design skills of Myanmar, worked in the Security Printing Works in Wazi, Chauk township. The printing agency was established in 1972 with technical direction from the German firm Giesecke & Devrient.

“Before, the government had always ordered currency designs from foreign countries – the UK, Pakistan, India and the Soviet Union. When they decided to do it here, we were not allowed to discuss our work with anyone, even our closest colleagues,” said U Aye Myint, talking to The Myanmar Times in his home next to the Maha Gandaryon monastery in Amarapura.

U Aye Myint reveals the art behind Myanmar’s currency.U Aye Myint reveals the art behind Myanmar’s currency.

He was assigned to the job after working on the decorations at the Myanmar Pavilion in Osaka, Japan, for World Expo 70. At the time he was a designer with the Cottage Industries Department and Saunders Weaving School in Amarapura, Mandalay.

“Four of us were assigned to the work: two to the administrative side and the other two on the design,” he said.

The design group developed the project in secret in England.

“We worked on large-scale paper first. From the drafting stage to production, everything was secret,” he said.

He told almost no one of his role even decades after the notes entered circulation. But, with the help of his eldest daughter, painter Daw Khin Moe Pwint, his role is slowly being recognised.

“My father didn’t want anyone to know. But I didn’t think it would do any harm to tell people now,” she said.

“The K10 featured Bogyoke with a ceremonial offering bowl, all in reddish-brown, and the green K1 showed him weaving at a loom. None of us children knew what our father was working on.”

Last June in Yangon and now in Mandalay, with the help of his daughter, U Aye Myint held an exhibition of his work, including stamp designs and ancient Myanmar religious images. “I also designed lottery tickets,” he said.

He was also responsible for three famous designs: depicting the national referendum of 1973, which was the first vote since the military coup of 1962; the stamps for the first people’s assembly; and the stamps issued for the 100th anniversary of the Universal Postal Union.

“When I was young, the Indian postmen used to wear such smart uniforms,” he recalled.

With the support of the Toyota Foundation, he released Ancient Myanmar Design with history professor Dr Than Tun and others.

U Aye Myint also worked on the design for the Shwedagon Pagoda stairway and Pitaka Pagoda (Minkun), as well as the lacquer murals at Bagan Thiripyitsaya Resort.

He still works as an adviser on pagoda design and insists ancient Myanmar design is still very much alive and well.

Even so, his daughter is taking no chances on U Aye Myint’s legacy. Daw Khin Moe Wai said she planned to set up a small museum for her father, and to keep his artworks.

“My father toured ancient pagodas studying the designs. Nobody worked harder than he did.”

Shakespeare meets social media in Mandalay

You’ve never seen a Scottish play like this. Macbeth, Shakespeare’s doom-laden, blood-spattered tale of an 11th-century power couple driven by violent ambition to treason and regicide, is so fraught with menace that superstitious actors refrain even from naming it. And now it’s coming to Mandalay.

What’s done will be re-done, Mandalay style. Photo: Khin Su Wai / The Myanmar TimesWhat’s done will be re-done, Mandalay style. Photo: Khin Su Wai / The Myanmar Times

Well, sort of. Macbeth in Mandalay, rewritten for the age of social media by director, producer and teacher Kimberley Parker, is likely to raise eyebrows among the purists.

Amarapura Partners will perform the play in Mandalay’s National Theatre on December 17 for the first time. Tickets are free.

This time around, the Thane of Cawdor turns out to be a young musician from Mandalay. After forming a band with childhood friends Banquo and Lady, they achieve local success. The introduction of a lead singer called Duncan helps propel them to international stardom, as three aging matriarchs of the media world strive to improve their ratings.

“The plot we wrote is based on the original, but with changes to make it more relevant and reflective of issues in social media today. It’s about manipulation by the media, including social media like Facebook and Twitter, as well as the cult of instant celebrity,” says Parker, who studied theatre production and has done volunteer work in drug rehabilitation through theatre therapy.

“A power struggle develops within the band,” she said. “We can guess the rest.”

Ma Naw Khu Htee Htwe Dwe plays a gossipy girl interested in celebrities, a part whose basis in Shakespeare’s original attempt at the play is unclear. “The way you use the social media can impact others very badly,” she explained.

U Win Pe Maung, CEO of Amarapura Partners, said his own experience of treading the boards, in Romeo and Juliet 12 years ago at the American Centre, had given him a golden opportunity to learn some social skills.

“I wanted my students to have a similar opportunity through participating in this play,” he said. Cameraman Ye Yint Aung, making his debut in the title role, said he was excited to be a part of the work.

Parker said she was impressed at the way her students had grown in their roles and their mastery of English.

နာမည္ဆိုးျဖင့္ ေက်ာ္ၾကားခဲ့ေသာ ေရႊႀတိဂံေဒသ ဘိန္းျပခန္းမွ အျပန္

ျပည္တြင္း သတင္းမီဒီယာအခ်ဳိ႕တြင္ ေဒသခံတို႔ ၀င္ေငြနည္းပါးမႈေၾကာင့္ ဘိန္းစုိက္ခင္းေတြကို အားထားေနရတဲ့အေၾကာင္း သတင္းတခ်ဳိ႕ ဖတ္ရခ်ိန္တြင္ ေရႊႀတိဂံေဒသက ဟက္တာ ၄၀ ခန္႔အက်ယ္အ၀န္းရွိတဲ့ ‘ဘိန္းျပခန္း’ တစ္ခုအတြင္းသုိ႔ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၄ ရက္ က ေရာက္ရွိေနၿပီျဖစ္သည္။

ထိုရက္မတုိင္ခင္က ဘန္ေကာက္ၿမိဳ႕ရွိ ေက်ာက္ဖယားျမစ္ေအာက္က ေျမေအာက္ မီးရထားလမ္းသုိ႔ သြားေရာက္ေလ့လာခဲ့ရၿပီး သာယာလွပသည့္ မနက္ခင္းတို႔ကို ျဖတ္သန္းကာ ခ်င္း႐ိုင္ခ႐ိုင္အတြင္းရွိထိုေနရာသုိ႔ ေရာက္ရွိလာခ်ိန္လည္းျဖစ္သည္။

ထိုင္းႏုိင္ငံ ေရႊႀတိဂံေဒသသည္ လာအုိႏွင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္အေရွ႕ပိုင္းတို႔ နယ္နိမိတ္ခ်င္း ဆက္စပ္လ်က္ရွိကာ ဘိန္းႏွင့္ ဆက္စပ္ျပခန္းမ်ား၊ ဥယ်ာဥ္မ်ား ဖန္းတီးေပးထားျခင္းမ်ားေၾကာင့္ႏုိင္ငံတကာ ခရီးသြားမ်ားအတြက္ ဆြဲေဆာင္လ်က္ရွိသည္။

လာေရာက္ေလ့လာ ၾကည့္႐ႈလိုသူမ်ားအတြက္ တစ္ဦးလွ်င္ ဘတ္ ၂၀၀ ၀န္းက်င္ က်သင့္ေသာ္လည္းစာေရးသူတို႔ အာရွ သတင္းမီဒီယာ ကြန္ရက္အတြက္မူ အခမဲ့ ၀င္ခြင့္ေပးထားခဲ့ၿပီး ရွင္းျပေပးမယ့္သူ အဆင္သင့္ရိွသည္။

ခ်င္း႐ိုင္ခ႐ိုင္၊ ခ်န္ဆန္ရဲ႕ ေျမာက္ဘက္ ၁၀ ကီလိုခန္႔အကြာတြင္ ခံ့ခံ့ညားညား တည္ရွိေနေသာ ဧရာမ ေက်ာက္ျဖဴ အေဆာက္အအံုႀကီး မေရာက္ခင္ ကန္ေရ အဆင့္ဆင့္ျဖင့္ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေအးခ်မ္းေနသည္။

ရာသီဥတုက ေအးေအး၊ စာေရးသူရဲ႕ ခံစားခ်က္ကလည္း ခပ္ေအးေအး။တိုးရစ္ဂိုက္တစ္ဦးက အဆိုပါ အေဆာက္အအံုသည္ ဘိန္းျပခန္းအျဖစ္ မေဆာင္ရြက္ခင္ကဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးတစ္ဦး ပိုင္ဆုိင္ခဲ့သည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။

ျပခန္း၀င္ရန္ ေစာင့္ေနခ်ိန္တြင္ လာအို သူငယ္ခ်င္းတစ္ေယာက္ကို စူးစမ္းမိသည္၊ ထိုင္းႏွင့္ လာအုိ နယ္စပ္အေျခအေန မည္သို႔ ရွိပံု၊ သူက လာအိုႏိုင္ငံအတြင္းက တ႐ုတ္ပိုင္ ကာစီႏိုအေၾကာင္း၊ လာအိုအစိုးရက ႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားကို ကာစီႏို မကစားရန္ တားျမစ္ေသာ္လည္း ခိုးကစားၾကပံု၊ ထိုင္းႏုိင္ငံ ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တြင္မူ ေမွာင္ခုိေရာင္း၀ယ္ ေဖာက္ကားမႈမ်ားအေၾကာင္းဆက္စပ္ ေျပာဆိုသည္။

လူစံုရန္ အခ်ိန္အတန္ငယ္ေစာင့္ၿပီးခ်ိန္တြင္ စာေရးသူတို႔ အုပ္စုက ဥမင္တစ္ခုကို စတင္ ျဖတ္သန္းခဲ့ရသည္။

ခရမ္းေရာင္၊ အစိမ္းေရာင္ရွိေသာ ဥမင္ကို ျဖတ္သန္းၿပီးခ်ိန္ တြင္ ခံစားခ်က္က တစ္မ်ဳိးတစ္မည္ျဖစ္လာခဲ့သည္။

တစ္ခ်က္တစ္ခ်က္တြင္ အေမွာင္ခန္း တခ်ဳိ႕၊ ဥမင္နံရံတြင္႐ုန္းကန္ေနေသာလူသားတို႔၏ ႐ုပ္တုမ်ား၊ မြန္းက်ပ္ဖြယ္ လိုဏ္ေခါင္း အဆံုးတြင္ ေရႊႀတိဂံ အမွတ္အသားတစ္ခုက ဆီးႀကိဳေနသည္။

စိတ္မသက္သာမႈ တခ်ဳိ႕ႏွင့္ ခပ္သြက္သြက္ထြက္လုိက္ေသာအခါ ျပခန္းငယ္တစ္ခု၊ ေဘးဘက္တြင္ဘိန္းစုိက္ခင္း ပံုစံငယ္ေလးကိုေတြ႕ရသည္။

ဘိန္းအေၾကာင္း၊ မ်ဳိးေစ့အေၾကာင္း ရွင္းလင္းခ်က္မ်ားအၿပီးတြင္ စာေရးသူတို႔ကို ႐ုပ္ရွင္႐ုံငယ္အတြင္းသုိ႔ ေခၚေဆာင္သြားသည္။

အျဖဴအမည္း ႐ုပ္ရွင္တခ်ဳိ႕က စာေရးသူတုိ႔ကို အတိတ္ကို ျပန္လည္ ခံစားရေစသည္။ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအပါအ၀င္ ေရႊႀတိဂံနယ္ေျမအတြင္း ဘိန္းေရာင္း၀ယ္ ေဖာက္ကားမႈမ်ား၊ ဘိန္းရာဇာတခ်ိဳ႕ကိုအင္တာဗ်ဴးတို႔ ပါ၀င္ေသာ အဆိုပါ ႐ုပ္ရွင္ဖိုင္တြင္ ျမန္မာစကားတခ်ဳိ႕ပါ ၾကားလိုက္ရသျဖင့္ စိတ္မသက္သာ ျဖစ္မိသည္။

ထိုေနရာတြင္ ဖုန္းျဖင့္ပင္ ဗြီဒီယို႐ိုက္ခြင့္ မရခဲ့ၾကေပ။ေနာက္ထပ္ ျဖတ္သန္းလိုက္ရသည္က ဘိန္းစုိက္ပ်ဳိးမႈ သမိုင္ေၾကာင္း၊ ကမၻာ့ႏုိင္ငံႀကီးအခ်ိဳ႕ကို အဆင့္ဆင့္ ပ်ံ႕ႏွံ႕ပံု၊ ေရာင္း၀ယ္ေဖာက္ကား ၾကပံုမ်ားျဖစ္သည္။

ယင္းေနာက္ စက္၀ိုင္းသဖြယ္ အလယ္ေကာင္ ေရာက္ရွိေနခ်ိန္တြင္မွာပင္ အီဂ်စ္ပံု အမွတ္အသားတခ်ဳိ႕ကို ႐ုတ္တရက္ ျမင္လုိက္ရသည္။

အဂၤလိပ္လူမ်ဳိးတစ္ဦး ေဆးစပ္ေနသည္လား အေသအခ်ာမမွတ္မိလိုက္ခင္၊ တ႐ုတ္မဟာတံတိုင္းႀကီး
တစ္ခုကို ျမင္လုိက္ခ်ိန္တြင္ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားသည္။

၁၈ ရာစု ႏွင့္ ၁၉ ရာစု အၾကား တ႐ုတ္ႏွင့္ ၿဗိတိန္ႏိုင္ငံတို႔၏ ဘိန္းကုန္သြယ္မႈကို အလြယ္ကူဆံုးသမုိင္းေၾကာင္း ျပသမႈ ပံုစံမ်ားအျဖစ္ ေဘးဘက္နံရံတစ္ေလွ်ာက္တြင္ ဘိန္းကုန္သည္တခ်ဳိ႕၏ ႐ုပ္တုမ်ား၊ ႐ုပ္ပံုကားခ်ပ္မ်ား၊ သေဘၤာႀကီး ပံုစံျပဳလုပ္ထားၿပီး ဘိန္းကုန္သြယ္မႈ သမုိင္းေၾကာင္းမ်ား ထည့္သြင္းထားသည္ကို ေတြ႕ရသည္။

ကုန္သြယ္မႈတို႔တြင္ ေတြ႕ရေသာ စာခ်ဳပ္မ်ားပါ ထည့္သြင္းျပသထားသည္။ထို႔ျပင္ ထိုကာလက ဘိန္းအေၾကာင္း၊ ကုန္သြယ္မႈအေၾကာင္း ေရးသားပုံႏွိပ္ေဖာ္ျပထားေသာ စာေစာင္မ်ား၊ ႏွစ္ထပ္အေဆာက္အအံု အပုေလးမ်ားကိုေတြ႕ရၿပီး ထိုအေပၚ တက္ၿပီး ငံု႕ၾကည့္လုိက္လွ်င္ေဆးတံရွည္ျဖင့္ ေဆး႐ွဴ ေနေသာ တ႐ုတ္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား၊ ေသငယ္ေဇာ ေျမာေနပံုမ်ာကို ေတြ႕ရသည္။

ယင္းသည္ လူတစ္ဦးတစ္ေယာက္တည္း ထိခိုက္မႈမဟုတ္၊ ႏုိင္ငံအလိုက္ ထိခိုက္ၿပိဳဆင္းမႈမ်ားပင္ျဖစ္သည္ဟုခံစားရသည္။

ျပခန္းတြင္ ဘိန္း႐ွဴရာတြင္သံုးသည့္ အသံုးအေဆာင္ပစၥည္းမ်ား၊ ဆင္စြယ္ျဖင့္ ျပဳလုပ္ထားေသာလွပသည့္ေဆးတံမ်ား၊ ေဆးထည့္ရန္ ပံုစံမ်ဳိးစံုဘူးေလးမ်ား၊ အထက္တန္းလႊာတို႔အတြက္ ေဆးတံသည္ ပံုစံအမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးျဖင့္ လွပဆန္းျပားခဲ့ဟန္တူသည္။

ထို႔ျပင္ ဘိန္းခ်က္သည့္ နမူနာပံုစံမ်ား၊ ဘိန္းေရာင္း၀ယ္ရာတြင္ အသံုးျပဳေသာ ေငြဒဂၤါးျပားမ်ား၊ အလံုးမ်ား၊ ေနာက္တစ္ခန္းတြင္ မူးယစ္ေဆးေၾကာင့္ အရြယ္မတုိင္ခင္ လြင့္ပါးေပ်ာက္ကြယ္ခဲ့ရေသာ အႏုပညာရွင္မ်ား၊ ျပခန္းမ်ားသည္ တစ္စထက္တစ္စ မြန္းက်ပ္၍ စိတ္ကို တင္းက်ပ္လာေစခဲ့သည္။

၁၉၆၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္မွ ၁၉၉၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္ အေစာပိုင္း ကာလမ်ားမွာ ေရႊႀတိဂံေဒသဟု နာမည္ဆိုးျဖင့္ေက်ာ္ၾကားေနသည့္ ဤေနရာအတြက္ ပညာေပးေဆာင္ရြက္ရန္ ထိုင္းဘုရင့္ မယ္ေတာ္ကဦးစီးေဆာင္ရြက္ခဲ့ၿပီး၊ အလြန္ေအာင္ျမင္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း၊ သူက ထိုေဒသတြင္ ပညာေပးျပခန္း၊ ဥယ်ာဥ္၊ အလုပ္အကိုင္ အခြင့္အလမ္းမ်ား ဖန္တီးေပးခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ရွင္းလင္း ေျပာျပသည္။

“ဘယ္သူမွ လူဆိုးျဖစ္ဖို႔ ဆႏၵမရွိၾကပါဘူး၊ သူတို႔ လူေကာင္းျဖစ္ဖို႔ အခြင့္အလမ္း မရွိၾကလို႔ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္”ဟူသည့္ ထိုင္းဘုရင့္မယ္ေတာ္စကားကို အႏွစ္သက္ဆံုးျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္။

သုိ႔ေသာ္ ထိုေနရာသုိ႔ ေနာက္ထပ္သြားခ်င္စိတ္ မရွိေတာ့တာေတာ့ အေသအခ်ာပင္ျဖစ္သည္။

Dozen convicted in ‘Muslim Army’ trial

Twelve men in Mandalay were convicted yesterday for having links to an alleged armed insurgent group – one that human rights workers claim may be entirely fictitious.

Defendents arrive at the Aung Myay Thar San township court yesterday. Photo Khin Su Wai / The Myanmar TimesDefendents arrive at the Aung Myay Thar San township court yesterday. Photo Khin Su Wai / The Myanmar Times

The 12 defendants were given five-year sentences for receiving training from an organisation referred to as the “Myanmar Muslim Army”. They were charged under section 5J of the Emergency Provisions Act, undermining the security of the union.

All 12, aged from 19 to 54, were arrested and detained between November 14 and December 26, 2014.

In a statement, activist group Fortify Rights accused the Aung Myay Thar San township court in Mandalay Region of staging an unfair trial and said the defendants were tortured into confessions.

“This is injustice. There was clearly no evidence to support this verdict,” said Matthew Bugher, a consultant to Fortify Rights who has been monitoring the trial. “This sentence reveals the lack of justice, accountability and fair process in the current government and the court system.”

Fortify said the prosecution refused to provide concrete evidence of the alleged armed network or how the men were associated with it, and instead repeatedly cited the Official Secrets Act.

One of the defendants, Ko Soe Moe Aung, 24, testified that he had been tortured while in police custody, according to his lawyer Daw Nandar Myint Thein. He said he was beaten while in detention, deprived of food and water, and given injections of an unknown substance before interrogations. He was then made to sign a confession.

Other defendants also claim to have undergone torture, but most were too scared to speak about it, fearing discrimination and reprisal.

“We heard that torture happened,” said U Maung Gyi, a friend of one of the defendants who came from Yangon to hear the verdict yesterday.

“At first we tried to find someone to share our feelings,” he said, adding that the more attention the case got the more families feared for the potential of discrimination. “After that we just tried to keep quiet.”

After the guilty verdict was announced yesterday, the family members of the defendants who were gathered at the court began to cry.

“I want to die,” Daw Khin Kyi, the 66-year-old mother of two defendants told The Myanmar Times. She said her older sons, who were arrested, supported the family of 11 children.

“My two sons were seized at Theingyi gate near Lashio,” she said. “I don’t know how I can stand this.”

U Maung Maung, the brother of defendant U Nyi Nyi, told The Myanmar Times that two of his bothers have faced jail time in connection to supposed armed groups, charges he believes are completely ungrounded. One brother was charged in a separate case in Amapura township last month. Both brothers were religious teachers.

“My brothers are not guilty. They are very kind people,” he said.

He said Ko Nyi Nyi was travelling with a youth group on a bus going from Mayawady to Mandalay when he and the group, including the driver, were arrested.

The existence of the “Myanmar Muslim Army” has not publicly been independently confirmed by security experts, and is only referred to with a single citation, a briefing by the International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research in Singapore which referred to “unconfirmed reports”. According to the author of one such brief, the citation was based on “field research in Myanmar”.

Some rights organisations have suggested the “Myanmar Muslim Army” may have been entirely fabricated.

“There is some truth in the claim that, since September 2001, the Rangoon regime has sought to use the rubric of the global war against terrorism to cloak a renewed campaign of discrimination against Burma’s broad Muslim population,” Andrew Selth, a professor specialising in Myanmar at Griffith University, wrote in an article about terrorism and Myanmar.

Fortify Rights said analysis of 170 pages of court documents did not provide any details about the supposed organisation.

“It is impossible to assess the government’s claims regarding the Myanmar Muslim Army because the government has failed to provide any concrete evidence demonstrating its existence or details about its composition or activities,” Mr Bugher said. “The government’s case is so thin.”

The President’s Office could not be reached for comment yesterday and the prosecution declined to comment.

Family members of the convicted men yesterday said they are leaning against filing an appeal.

“Because of the changeover in government next year, some think they will only go to jail for three months,” said the daughter of defendant U Hasan who declined to provide her name.


Additional reporting by Laignee Barron

ျပည္သူ႕ေရြးခ်ယ္မႈ ထင္ဟပ္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၂၀၁၅ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ

“ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္-ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ သန္႔ရွင္းက လူတိုင္းက မဲေပးၾကသည္။ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ လူထုကို သန္႔ရွင္းက စိတ္ခ်ရသည္။
ေပးတာယူ ေကြ်းတာကိုစား ဖက္ဆစ္နဲ႔ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အားလံုးသိသည္” အဲဒါက လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ၁၉၅၉ ခုႏွစ္ ၆၀ ၀န္းက်င္ေလာက္က
မဲဆြယ္စည္း႐ုံးတဲ့ သီခ်င္း။

ဖဆပလ ႏွစ္ျခမ္းကြဲေတာ့ သန္႔ရွင္းကို ဦးႏု၊ တည္ၿမဲကို ဦးဘေဆြကဦးစီးကာ မဲဆြယ္ၾကသည္။ ထိုစဥ္ကလည္း တစ္သီးပုဂၢလ
ရွိေသးသည္။ လမ္းထိပ္ေတြမွာ ညအခ်ိန္ေတြမွာ မဲဆြယ္စည္း႐ုံးၾကသည္။ ထိုစဥ္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံက အေရွ႕ေတာင္အာရွတြင္
စီးပြားေရးအေျခအေန အေကာင္းဆံုး။

“အခုလိုပဲေလ မဲအတြက္ အေပးအကမ္းေတြလည္း အဲဒီကတည္းက ရွိခဲ့ေတာ့ ေပးတာကို ယူလိုက္၊ ဒါေပမယ့္ ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ကို
မဲေပး။ အခု ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ေျပာသလုိပဲ အန္အယ္လ္ဒီကို မဲေပးဖုိ႔ ” ဟုအသက္ ၆၆ ႏွစ္အရြယ္ တကၠသုိလ္
အၿငိမ္းစားဆရာမ တစ္ဦးျဖစ္သူ ေဒၚခင္ေအးၾကည္က ဆိုသည္။

ထိုစဥ္က သန္႔ရွင္းက အ၀ါေရာင္၊ တည္ၿမဲက အနီေရာင္၀တ္ဆင္ကာ စည္း႐ုံးေရးဆင္းၾကသည္။ လူထုေထာက္ခံမႈရရွိသည္။
သမိုင္းဘီးတို႔ တပတ္လည္ေသာ ယေန႕ေခတ္အခါတြင္ေတာ့ အန္အယ္လ္ဒီက အနီေရာင္ကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳကာ
ႀကံခုိင္ေရးပါတီက အစိမ္းေရာင္ကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳခဲ့သည္။

“အဲဒီေနာက္ပိုင္းမွာ ဦးေန၀င္းအစိုးရ တက္လာတယ္။ တက္လာတုန္း လူေတြက ေပ်ာ္ၾကတယ္။ မွတ္မိေသးတယ္။ ဦးႏုကို
အရည္အခ်င္း ညံ႕တယ္လို႔ လူေတြက ထင္ၾကတယ္။ ဦးေန၀င္းကို ေတာ္တယ္လို႔ ထင္ၾကတာကိုး။ သူက ေတာ္ေပမယ့္
တိုင္းျပည္ကို မခ်စ္ဘူး။ ေနာက္ပိုင္း လူထုက ဘာအသံမွကို မထြက္ႏုိင္ေတာ့ဘူး” အသက္ ၆၆ ႏွစ္အရြယ္ တကၠသုိလ္
အၿငိမ္းစား ဆရာမတစ္ဦးက သူ႕အသက္ ကိုးႏွစ္အရြယ္က ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကာလ အျဖစ္အပ်က္ကို ျပန္ေျပာင္းေျပာျပခဲ့သည္။

ထိုေနာက္ပိုင္း အျဖစ္အပ်က္တို႔ထဲတြင္ အေျပာင္းအလဲမ်ားစြာ ပါ၀င္ခဲ့သည္။ ျမန္မာ့ဆိုရွယ္လစ္စနစ္ကို က်င့္သံုးခဲ့သည္။
ျပည္သူပိုင္သိမ္းခဲ့ရာတြင္ မွားယြင္းေသာ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈတို႔ေၾကာင့္ စီးပြားေရး ယိုယြင္းခဲ့ရသည္။ ေသာင္းဂဏာန္းရွိေသာ လုပ္ငန္းမ်ား
ဖ်က္သိမ္းခံခဲ့ရသည္။

ထို႔ေနာက္ ေဈးကြက္စီးပြားေရးစနစ္ကို ျပန္လည္ က်င့္သံုးေသာ္လည္း နာလန္မထူႏိုင္ေတာ့ပဲ။ ဒီေနာက္ပိုင္းက ၁၉၈၈
လူထုအံုႂကြမႈအလြန္ က်င္းပခဲ့ေသာ ၁၉၉၀ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ။ လူထုက ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းသမီး ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို
တစ္ခဲနက္ ေထာက္ခံၾကျပန္သည္။

သုိ႔ေသာ္လည္း ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲရလာဒ္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳမခံခဲ့ရ။ ထိုသုိ႔ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ႀကံဳေတြ႕ခဲ့ရသည့္အျဖစ္အပ်က္တို႔သည္
လက္ရွိေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကို တစ္ခဲနက္ သြားေရာက္မဲေပးရန္ တြန္းအားျဖစ္လာေစခဲ့သည္။

“၁၉၉၀တုန္းက မဲေပးသူ အေရအတြက္ထက္ အခုက အမ်ားႀကီးပိုပါတယ္” ဟု မႏၲေလး ေဆးတကၠသုိလ္ အၿငိမ္းစား
ပါေမာကၡခ်ဳပ္ ေဒါက္တာသန္း၀င္းက ေျပာသည္။

ႏို၀င္ဘာ ၈ ရက္ေန႔ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ တစ္ႏုိင္ငံလုံး အုတ္အုတ္က်က္က်က္ ပါ၀င္လာခဲ့ၾကသည္။

ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမတိုင္မီတြင္ မဲေပးရန္ အခ်င္းခ်င္း လႈံ႕ေဆာ္ျခင္းမ်ားကို အြန္လိုင္းစာမ်က္ႏွာတြင္ တြင္တြင္က်ယ္က်ယ္ျမင္ရသည္။

ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲကာလတြင္လည္း သန္႕ရွင္းမွ်တေသာ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲျဖစ္ေစရန္ ၀ိုင္း၀န္းေစာင့္ၾကည့္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။

ဥပမာ – မႏၲေလးၿမိဳ႕မဟာေအာင္ေျမၿမိဳ႕နယ္ မဟာၿမိဳင္မဲ႐ုံ ၁ တြင္ ကားေျခာက္စီးႏွင့္ လူ ၁၀၀ ခန္႔မဲလိမ္ရန္ႀကိဳးပမ္းရာတြင္
ထိုသူမ်ားကို ဖမ္းဆီးရန္ လူထုအင္အား ပါလာခဲ့ျပီး မဲေရတြက္ရာတြင္ စိတ္မခ်စြာျဖင့္ လူေထာင္ေပါင္မ်ားစြာ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ၾကျခင္း
ျဖစ္သည္။

မဲ႐ုံမွဴးကမဲေရတြက္ရာတြင္ အန္အယ္လ္ဒီ ရရွိပါက တစ္ေဟးေဟးျဖင့္ေအာ္ကာ အျခားပါတီမွ မဲရရွိပါက ဟင္ခနဲ ဟာခနဲ
ေအာ္ၾကျပန္သည္။

တစ္ၿပိဳင္နက္တည္း သတင္းမီဒီယာမ်ားကို အေသအခ်ာ ဓါတ္ပံု႐ုိက္ယူရန္ ေအာ္ဟစ္ၾကျပန္သည္။

“ဒီမွာ မဲသမာမႈျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုလို႔ လာၾကည့္တာ။ ၿပီးရင္ အန္အယ္လ္ဒီ႐ုံးမွာ သြားၿပီးေတာ့ သူတို႔ တင္ထားတဲ့ ဘုတ္မွာ
တစ္ညလံုးထိုင္ၾကည့္မယ္” ဟု မႏၲေလးၿမိဳ႕မွ ကရင္တိုင္းရင္းသူ အုိင္ဒါက ျမန္မာတုိင္း(မ္)ကို ေျပာသည္။

ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲမတိုင္ခင္ကာလမ်ားတြင္ အစိုးရ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ား၊ ခ႐ိုနီမ်ားက အမ်ားဆံုး မဲထည့္ကာ အေျခအတင္ျဖစ္ေစလိမ့္မည္
ခန္႔မွန္းခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း ထိုခန္႔မွန္းခ်က္ပါ လြဲေခ်ာ္ခဲ့ကာ အစိုးရ၀န္ထမ္းမ်ားပါ အန္အယ္လ္္ဒီကို မဲထည့္ခဲ့ၾကျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။

သုိ႔ရာတြင္ စစ္တပ္မဲဆႏၵနယ္မ်ားတြင္မူ မဲအေရအတြက္ ေလ်ာ့နည္းရရွိခဲ့မႈလည္း ရွိခဲ့သည္။

“ဥပုသ္ေတာ္ရပ္ စစ္တပ္မဲ႐ုံ ၁၅ ႐ုံမွာ ကြ်န္ေတာ့္မဲက ေလးငါးမဲပဲ ရရွိခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္ၿပိဳင္ရမယ့္ မဲဆႏၵနယ္မွာ မဲ႐ုံ
၅၈ ႐ုံရွိၿပီး က်န္တဲ့ အရပ္ဖက္မဲ႐ုံေတြကေတာ့ မဲအျပတ္အသတ္ ကြာျခားခဲ့ပါတယ္” ဟု အန္အယ္လ္ဒီကိုယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း
ေဒါက္တာ ညီမင္းဟန္က ဆိုသည္။

မႏၲေလးႏုိင္ငံျခားဘာသာတကၠသိုလ္မွ ပါေမာကၡေဒၚၾကည္ၾကည္စိန္ကလည္း ၂၀၁၂ ၾကားျဖတ္ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္
ႀကံခိုင္ေရးကို မဲေပးခ့ဲေသာ္လည္း လက္ရွိ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ အန္အယ္လ္ဒီကိုပင္ မဲေပးခဲ့သည္ဟုဆိုသည္။

“ဒါ ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ ဆႏၵပဲ ျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ သူတို့ရဲ႕ ေရြးခ်ယ္မႈပါပဲ။ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တုိ႔ပါတီ အရင္တုန္းကလည္း ျပည္သူေတြရဲ႕
လိုအပ္ခ်က္ကို ကူညီျဖည့္ဆည္းတယ္။ ေနာက္လည္း ကူညီျဖည့္ဆည္းေပးဦးမွာပါ” ဟု မႏၲေလးတိုင္းေဒသႀကီး ႀကံ႕ခိုင္ေရးႏွင့္
ဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးေရးပါတီမွ သတင္းျပန္ၾကားေရး ဦးတင္ထြန္းက ဆိုခဲ့သည္။

အန္အယ္လ္ဒီက အဓိကၿပိဳင္ဖက္ျဖစ္ေသာ ျပည္ေထာင္စုႀကံခိုင္ေရးႏွင့္ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးပါတီကို ေနရာတခ်ိဳ႕မွအပ အျပတ္အသတ္
အႏုိင္ရခဲ့ျခင္းလည္း ျဖစ္သည္။

“ေညာင္ဦးၿမိဳ႕နယ္မွာ ျပည္သူလႊတ္ေတာ္က မဲအေရအတြက္ရဲ႕ ၇၃ဒသမ ၃၇ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္း ရရွိပါတယ္။
အမ်ိဳးသားလႊတ္ေတာ္ၾကေတာ့ ကြ်န္ေတာ္တို႔ဆီက မဲအေရအတြက္ ၁၀၀,၀၀၀ နီးနီးရတယ္။ ႀကံခိုင္ေရးက ၃၃,၀၀၀ ေက်ာ္
ရတယ္။ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းကေတာ့ ၇၂ ရာခိုင္ႏႈန္းက ရတယ္” ဟု တိုင္းေဒသႀကီးေအာင္ႏုိင္ေရးေကာ္မတီဥကၠ႒ ဦးေရႊလွက ဆိုသည္။

မဘသအဖြဲ႔အစည္း၏ ဦးေဆာင္ဆရာေတာ္တစ္ပါးျဖစ္သူ ဆရာေတာ္၀ီရသူက အဆိုပါ ရလာဒ္အတြက္ အလြန္အံ့ဩမိသည္ဟု
ဆိုသည္။

၎က ကာလာစုံ ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီမ်ား လႊတ္ေတာ္အတြင္း ၀င္လာမည္ဟု ယူဆခဲ့သည္ဟု ဆိုခဲ့သည္။

မည္သို႔ပင္ျဖစ္ေစ အဲန္အယ္ဒီ၏ အျပတ္အသတ္အႏုိင္သည္ လူထု၏ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ကိန္းေအာင္းေနေသာဆႏၵကို
ေဖာ္ထုတ္ျခင္းတစ္မ်ဳိးလည္းျဖစ္သည္။

လူငယ္အမ်ားစုကမူ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကို ႏွစ္သက္ျခင္းထက္ စစ္အစိုးရကို မျမင္လိုျခင္းက အဓိကဟုဆိုခဲ့ၾကသည္။

၂၀၀၈ ဖြဲ႔စည္းပံုအေျခခံဥပေဒ ျပင္ဆင္ေရးဆိုင္ရာ အခ်က္အလက္မ်ား၊ ဆက္လက္ အျငင္းပြားဆဲ ဘာသာေရးျပသာနာမ်ား၊
ေျမယာျပသာနာမ်ားအား အသစ္ဖြဲ႔စည္းႏိုင္မည့္ အန္အယ္ဒီအစိုးရက တာ၀န္ေျဖရွင္းရလိမ့္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။

ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ စိတ္ရွည္ခဲ့သည္ ျမန္မာျပည္သူတို႔သည္ ထိုအခ်ိန္ထိ ဆက္လက္ စိတ္ရွည္လိမ့္ဦးမည္ဟု ခန္႔မွန္းရေလသည္။